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Ditching the Social Right - The Future of the GOP Part 2

 
Shortly after the 2004 election, the Democratic Party undertook to figure out why their message and the promise of free stuff didn’t resonate inside the thick skulls of the lumpenproles. After what I can only assume was a painful process of critical self-examination the party was finally able to fix the blame where it belonged: evangelical Christians. Turns out there was never anything wrong with their message; Americans were dying to move to the left, but the Christianists scared the red state mouth-breathers about abortion, religious persecution, and gay marriage.
 
Now, after The Great Republican Drubbing of 2008, the GOP is itself in a similarly reflective mood. And many in the party believe they’ve found the reason for our current funk: evangelical Christians.
 
There’s no evidence the party is taking on water, but some in the GOP are already looking to lighten the load by tossing evangelicals and social conservatives over the side.
 
That’s ironic for a party founded specifically around a social issue – the abolition of slavery. It’s doubly ironic because the issue perhaps most identified with social conservatives – and the one some Republicans most want to offload – is one many have identified as the modern abolitionist movement: the pro-life plank. Never mind, time to give those pesky social cons the old heave-ho.
 
Political parties exist to get elected, and the problem for any party is not unlike that of a fisherman who must decide where to cast his net to catch the most fish. By casting in one spot over another he will lose some while gaining others. But does the Republican party itself stand for any particular set of principles? Does the fisherman care what kind of fish he finds in his net?
 
That’s the age-old question, of course, but the fisherman will do well to remember that certain species are always found in close proximity to each other. Where you find one, you will often find the other. I’ll go further and say that there is no meaningful divide between social conservatives and small government, fiscal conservatives.
 
 In fact, there are several practical reasons why it would be unwise to shun evangelicals and the social right in favor of so-called moderates.
 
First is the recognition that liberalism is largely a social program, implementation of whose policy goals necessarily entails massive state intervention in the private sphere, hence scrapping any theoretical upper limit on the size and scope of government. Thus, the concept of limited government is fundamentally incompatible with social progressivism.
 
Second, because liberalism is a social project – rather than economic or political – it must be opposed on that basis. Whenever the social good is found to be in conflict with the limits of government power, it is the principle of limited government that must yield. Therefore liberalism cannot ultimately be countered by constitutional or fiscal considerations, but only on the basis of conservative social values.
 
The third reason that a move to the middle on social issues is flawed is that the middle, as imagined by some, simply doesn’t exist. This is a topic that this blog has alluded to before. Although a seemingly target-rich environment, there is little in the way of ideological consistency that would allow the GOP to scoop up large constituencies.
 
There is also little there in the way of an overarching philosophy that would save the party from ideological creep. Moving to the center – wherever that might be – would simply allow liberals to redefine the center as the new far right. Conservatism claims to be a philosophy based on certain unchanging truths about the human condition, but the same cannot be said of liberalism. Static liberalism simply does not exist – it is a philosophy of perpetual revolution. A move to midfield by the GOP would only result in a concomitant leftward shift of the goal posts.
 
The Republican party is welcome to cast its net elsewhere.  But it may soon find that doing so on social issues costs them not only elections but any credibility about being a principled party.
 
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The Left and Freedom


Sometimes you read something that perfectly expresses a thought you've had but could never quite put into words, or if you could, not so well.  Thomas Sowell does just that, only he does it on a regular basis.
 
 
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Newsweek Finds Religion

 
Those with eyes can see that the mainstream media has pretty much abandoned all pretense of objectivity. Having been massively disappointed in the previous two presidential elections, and with new media loosening their stranglehold on public opinion, they must have felt that the November 4 election was simply too important to leave to chance.
 
And now, after abetting the election of Barack Obama, they’re feeling their oats. They apparently believe that now is their best opportunity to push for a raft of social changes that have been long denied because of those troublesome conservatives.
 
The first item on the agenda, evidently, is same-sex marriage. Last week Newsweek came out – figuratively speaking, of course – with a nifty little cover article by Lisa Miller purporting to make the religious case for same-sex marriage. The snarkiness of the opening sentence – “Let's try for a minute to take the religious conservatives at their word” – sets the tone for everything that follows. After a quick side trip to compare the battle over same-sex marriage to that over the abolition of slavery, Miller deftly deploys her straw man. Claiming that the only basis for opposition to gay marriage is religious, she proceeds to make the case that the bible itself is a lot more inclusive towards, shall we say, “alternate living arrangements” than those Krazy Kristians would like to admit, even if they could read above a high school level. I’m sure that a closer reading – by a Columbia University diversity studies prof, say – might also unearth the bible’s unequivocal support for late-term abortion.
 
Of course Miller’s premise is demonstrably false. Most who oppose same-sex marriage do so from completely secular considerations. But such arguments are difficult to counter, so best ignore them completely. Miller does damage to her own case, however, by admitting that marriage is not a wholly religious concept:
 

"Marriage" in America refers to two separate things, a religious institution and a civil one.


But Miller, having made that admission, attacks only the religious understanding of marriage, failing to recognize – or ignoring completely – the fact that court-imposed gay marriage would affect only the civil institution. Surely Miller is not suggesting that churches should be forced to recognize same-sex marriage as a sacrament, is she? Why, yes, she is:
 

(S)hould gay people be married in the same, sacramental sense that straight people are? I would argue that they should. If we are all God's children, made in his likeness and image, then to deny access to any sacrament based on sexuality is exactly the same thing as denying it based on skin color.


Further undermining her argument – albeit unwittingly – she writes:
 

As a civil institution, marriage offers practical benefits to both partners: contractual rights having to do with taxes; insurance; the care and custody of children; visitation rights; and inheritance.


Yet each of the states where same-sex marriage was imposed by the court – Massachusetts, California, and Connecticut – already recognized domestic partnerships, granting homosexual unions those same benefits. What, then, is the impetus for granting marital status? Miller does not answer that.
 
The debate over gay marriage is still raging (sorry, I couldn’t resist). Proposition 8 didn’t end it – not in California, not anywhere. But flagrantly misrepresenting both the arguments against same-sex marriage as well as biblical teaching is contemptuous, and Newsweek should be called on it.
 
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